A window into the activities of the V4 states and civil societies the adjacent neighborhood – chiefly the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe, but also now moving toward the Middle East and North Africa.
Elsa Tulmets
16. 4. 2013
Although the V4 never included other aspirants to its group, it has opened the doors for association via the Visegrad Plus format. Recently, the Weimar Triangle (Germany, France and Poland) started applying a similar model.
Marta Jaroszewicz
8. 3. 2013
Visa and mobility issues are the EU’s most tangible incentive for its Eastern neighbors. Yet the EU conditions the loosening of restrictions on free travel by in-depth reforms in the partner countries. This has to change and the V4 could play a stronger role in the process.
David Král
24. 1. 2013
One could hardly imagine a more controversial EU-related issue for the Visegrad countries than that of political union. It is tricky, not only because the contours of the current debate are blurred and the proposals on the table rather vague. None of the Visegrad countries has yet developed particularly strong strategic thinking vis-à-vis the future of European integration.
Adam Balcer
6. 12. 2012
For more than a year and a half, Poland has been making efforts to support the democratisation and modernisation of the Arab world. Certainly, the success of Poland’s transformation is not a model that can be transferred en masse to a different cultural context. This does not mean, however, that some of its elements may not potentially be inspiring for the Arab reformers. Nevertheless, if Poland really wishes to consolidate its presence in the Arab world, it has to improve considerably a practical dimension of its foreign policy.
Gert Röhrborn
8. 10. 2012
It’s a chilly autumn in the Eastern neighbourhood of the European Union. In Belarus and in Ukraine voters are being asked to take part in parliamentary elections, voting labelled crucial for the further positive development of relations with the EU. Yet did anybody seriously believe there would be any miraculous change in how elections are managed in this outer part of Europe? This is a task for the V4: to inspire a change in the Union’s Eastern policy.
Olga Gyárfášová
3. 10. 2012
The 2012 Transatlantic Trends survey has once again provided interesting insights into public opinion in the United States, 12 EU countries, Turkey and Russia. Poland and Slovakia were the only two V4 countries surveyed, and although they are often presented as countries with similar paths, the differences in their public attitudes toward transatlantic cooperation (or Atlanticism) are notable.
Pavol Szalai
20. 8. 2012
Shale gas and liquefied natural gas (LNG) have revolutionized natural gas trading around the world. Now they raise hopes for a more secure supply of gas-based energy in Central Europe. Unconventional gas sources and LNG can indeed reduce the Visegrad 4′s dependence on Russian gas imports. But they have to be promoted through concerted government action, which can also mitigate the risks.
Zora Hesová
26. 7. 2012
Not everybody in North Africa knows that the phrase “Arab Spring” is inspired by the Prague Spring of 1968. For Czech and Slovaks, the connection is obvious. It stands for liberalisation driven by citizens, from below, who demand popular sovereignty in the face of an authoritarian regime. But to what extent have the Arab states started a process similar to fall of Communism in Central Europe? Do the V4 countries have a role to play in today’s Spring? And is the Arab Spring in any way reflected in Central Europe?
Andrea Sieder
15. 6. 2012
Austria’s relations with its eastern neighbors – the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary – are generally a success story. At times, however, because of the Temelín nuclear power plant, the Beneš decrees and fear of migration from the East, the relationship has been strained and marked by a reluctant “wait-and-see” attitude. The relationship between Austria and its fellow countries from the old Austrian Habsburg monarchy varies between nostalgic and defensive.
Oksana Chelysheva
12. 6. 2012
On May 13, thousands of people joined a group of Russian writers and musicians for a protest march through the center of Moscow. While the official police press service reported there were 2,000 protesters, photos from demonstrations show that about 20,000 took part. People walked from Pushkin Square to the Chistye Prudy, where a spontaneous camp had been set up on the day of Vladimir Putin’s inauguration, May 7. On that day, one of the most frequent questions in the Russia blogosphere was: “Who will become the Russian Václav Havel?”
